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In this way, at the end of World War II, these folklorist institutions experienced their first transformations along with the development of ethnology. In some places, like France, this change in perspective appeared as a. This article addresses the musealisation of ethnographic collections from a European perspective.

First, it tries to define the dynamics of renewing the displays of these collections according to the interests of each time period and the development of anthropology. In Catalonia and in Spain, in general, the relationship between museums and ethnography was different.

While anthropology as a discipline was consolidated in the rest of Europe, the peculiarities of local political history led to the development of a folkloric and stereotyped representation of the peoples of. Consequently, during the Franco dictatorship only a few attempts were made at anthropological musealisation. In this context, the rupture between folklorist and ethnographic approaches would be more acute and occur later than in the rest of Europe.

Indeed, it was a consequence of the professionalization of anthropology, in the democratic era, which took place away from the museum setting. Anthropologists distanced themselves from. In parallel to this, new institutions were created throughout Europe from the s and s onwards. In Quebec, many ethnological museums were created like this, in order to highlight popular culture, one of the fundaments of the nationalist discourse in the s and s Bergeron, In the rest of the peninsula, the consolidation of the Spanish autonomous communities led to local governments and associations enhanc-.

During the s, many museums like those of Aquitaine, Alsace , and Brittany, were renovated with the aim of showcasing the regional characteristics of traditional societies. Part of this movement includes very small museums that, in most cases, employ less than ten people, and which are often managed privately or by associations. Ultimately, these institutions focus on issues outside academic disciplines like school or transport , and present their collections through their own museology.

In the eyes of the great museologist Kenneth Hudson , this gives them a special charm. While they are a very important part of the European museum landscape, these museums have been studied very little. In other places, like France, it is not even known how many of these collections exist.

In fact, as most are not recognised as being a. In France, a Regional Natural Park RNP is a region that voluntarily choses a development model based on recognising the value of natural and cultural heritage, considered as rich and fragile, and protecting this. Unlike a national park, a nature reserve, or protected site, a RNP has no regulatory power. The museums of society model. From the first decade of the new century right up to the present day, these identity museums have been questioned, in turn, as part of the new reflections on globalisation, represented in the social sciences by the publications of Ulf Hannerz, Zygmunt Bauman, and Arjun Appadurai, among others.

Expanding the. This opens up a new avenue that moves away from the logic of research, previously prevalent in ethnographic museums, where the objective was to transmit knowledge through the exhibition of objects.

The main consequence of this inverted perspective is the museums developing a profound interest in their audience, understanding their motivations for visiting, and what they understand from the content offered by the institution Eidelman, Roustan and Goldstein, Many museums are influenced by this new model, adapting their main features.

The approach to renewing these institutions contrasted to that which had previously prevailed in ethnography museums and ecomuseums Hubert, This logic was also applied at a local level, through the integration of new themes in museums, sometimes giving a new boost to research.

New dialogues were also established between historical ethnographic collections and contemporary creations on topics like sustainable development, population movements, the collective imagination of regions, local products, and so on. Within these cyclical changes in the musealisation of ethnographic collections, the development of museums of society was also influenced by a new concept of the museum linked to their evolution together with the development of an economic and political system.

The development of educational activities in museum and heritage management illustrates this professionalization, something that has led to museum staff progressively becoming administrators or public relations experts Dupaigne and Gutwirth, This new concept of the museum, and of the world of heritage in general, has been interpreted as a result of private influence in these institutions, particularly from the business world.

It is conceptually insepara-. Some now include commercial areas for local crafts within their walls, while others are designed around products from the terroir, legitimising, from a heritage point of view, a local market aimed primarily at tourists5. In view of these developments, it should be noted that not all institutions have integrated these characteristics in the same way.

However, during this transformation process, some museums may have lost their quality of specificity. This was, for example, the case of the ecomuseums that at the beginning of the s found themselves confronting profound changes due to the influx of a new generation of professionals. While, according to Serge Chaumier , they were often set up by self-taught individ-.

In fact, new measures for collections conservation and management of collections have been established, while mediation standards, visit types, and exhibitions are being developed based on the new criteria established by the museums of society and university models. Other entities also radically transformed their institutional policies, becoming, for example, interpretation centres or tourist information centres for the region.

Some museums, however, have had enormous difficulties adapting to this new model, in particular some of the institutions we consider part of the micromuseology trend. These are exhibited in museum spaces, and the reserve collection is seen as secondary. These institutions have not developed the idea of collaboration with other museums either.

They often have very few links between them, and are not included in the networks of local ethnographic institutions developed since the s. They also have no ties with administrative and museology. Because of their characteristics, these museums have difficulties projecting themselves into the future. From a museological point of view, they do not develop new procurement policies and do not hold temporary exhibitions. As a consequence, beyond their undeniable charm these museums no longer seem to correspond to the interest of visitors.

The number of these falls, and few of them attract more than 3, to 5, people a year. Some even attract. The subsidies they receive drop in line with this loss of interest. For example, in France, most museums in locations with less than inhabitants generally have a total budget of about 50, euros, including operating and staffing expenses.

With no budget, they may even have structural problems with their buildings, with flooded reserve collections, which endangers the conservation of all the collections. Faced with this vicious circle, the future of these museums seems quite uncertain. Although all museum institutions will be affected by budgetary cuts, sometimes very significantly, some will be able to withstand the current economic situation better than others.

In France, the Ministry of Culture and Communications is trying to direct ethnographic museums and ecomuseums in this direction, as evidenced by the book published in by Denis Chevallier, the deputy director of MuCEM. In times of crisis and budgetary shortcomings, looking into and exploring topics of interest to visitors allows museums to maintain a certain social and political legitimacy, and consequently receive governmental support.

However, this social legitimacy goes beyond the mere fact of attracting visitors to permanent exhibitions. Libraries have integrated this approach for years and now, in their desire to become. From the beginning of the crisis, many professional museum associations have been insisting on this social use. It is also the case of the Lisbon Declaration by the ICOM International Council of Museums , which emphasised the importance of supporting museums in times of crisis as a key tool for building the future6.

In this context, it seems that the main political challenge for the museums in the future will be to find a balance between their functional identity, inherited from the s and s and mainly aimed at the community, and their economic function, mainly oriented towards the outside. On the other hand, the main risk for museums will be losing their institutional distinctness, even though the classical definition of the museum promulgated by the ICOM is being questioned more and more, even within that institution itself7.

In France, some museums will change, for example, from being directly managed by local councils to being in the hands of the larger groups, while at the same time, since , the country has been developing territorial reforms aimed at reducing the number of municipalities and facilitating their integration into common groupings8. In this way, the budgets originally provided from local councils are divided between the various administrations that make up the community of municipalities, as well as other municipal services.

In other cases, museums in the same department will be incorporated into a new common administrative structure that will allow the budgets to be distributed between the different museums. Finally, in addition to this pooling and administrative reorganisation, some museums are also trying to find other sources of income from private financing such as through micro-patronage and self-sufficiency, although this is limited for smaller organisations.

Previously free services will be paid for, museums will further exploit the rental potential of their spaces, and shops will take on a more important role. Thus, while each generation reinvents the museum, the future cycle of musealisation of ethnographic collections seems to comprise masterfully managed institutions, integrated into the heart of the community and sensitive to their needs, not just in an economic sense, but an essentially social, economic and political one.

Barcelona: Boixareu Universitaria. Chaumier, S. Alcalde, G. In Alcalde, G. Boya and X. Els nous museus de societat Barrere, C. Bergeron, Y. Boltanksi, L. Madrid: Akal. Boya, J. Els nous museus de societat, O Museo do Pobo Galego: contedor de valores. Santiago: Museo do Pobo Galego. Candlin, F. London and New York: Bloomsbury. Chevallier, D. Hubert, F. In Chevallier, D. Hudson, K. In Messias Carbonell, B. Museums Studies: An Anthology of Contexts, Cuche, D.

La notion de culture dans les sciences sociales. Jacquelin, C. Davallon, J. The Making of Heritage: Seduction and Disenchantment. New York: Routledge. Vitoria-Gasteiz: Nerea. Christophe, J. Dupaigne, B. El visitante tiene la palabra. Barcelona: Ariel. Prats, L. In Prats, L. Rautenberg, M. Patrimoine et nouveaux usages sociaux.

Revista Catalana de Museologia, 2: Roige, X. Fradera, J. Cultura nacional en una societat dividida: patriotisme i cultura a Catalunya Barcelona: Curial. Construyendo el patrimonio cultural y natural. Parques, museos y patrimonio rural. Valencia: Germania. Dins Mairesse, F. Rueda, J. Segalen, M. Paris: Stock. Simard, C. Comment rentabiliser une entreprise culturelle. Soto, S. Tobelem, J. Van Geert, F.

In Van Geert, F. Usos politicos del patrimonio cultural, Barcelona: University of Barcelona. He has participated in different research projects about kinship, immaterial heritage, museology, ethnological museums and local museums.

He is currently the head of the research group Heritage in times of crisis. He has also commissioned several exhibitions and has carried out management projects and museum management plans. New challenges for ethnological museums in Catalonia: between crisis and definition of their social role.

There are many different types of museum. They range from large general institutions to small local museums, from specialised institutions to those with a more general focus, from museums dealing with rural society to others dealing with other cultures, from those giving us a picture of traditional societies to others focusing on the major challenges facing contemporary society.

Even so, a cursory glance at ethnological museums in Catalonia today leads us to two initial conclusions. Overall the position of ethnological museums in Catalonia is weak to date it has not been possible to create national ethnological museums but there are a good number of small local and county museums, many of which are of considerable interest. It seems paradoxical that there should be no national ethnological museums in view of the dynamism of local museums including some excellent examples and outstanding initiatives , which, since the s, have undergone considerable growth and played.

Determining the factors that have led to this situation is a complex matter. As everywhere, the development of museums can be explained in terms of the complex relationships between political power, specialists and the community sustaining them Pomian, , and the development of ethnological museums in Catalonia is no exception.

Consequently, while ethnological museums have quite often been seen as significant elements of identity at the local level, our ethnological heritage has always played a secondary role in Catalonia as a whole. Challenges, changes and strategies in local contexts. This paper reflects the current situation of ethnological museums in Catalonia, highlighting the main trends and debates. An historical tour of how they have been raised and their different perspectives.

The diversity of museums is indicated. There are quite different museums, from museums to small local museums, from specialized to general museums, from museums that deal with rural society to others who speak of us about other cultures. The paper starts with two initial findings: at the Catalan general level, the situation of ethnological museums is weak, while on the contrary there is a good number of small and local ethnological museums, many of which have great interest.

The paper also analyzes the impact of the economic crisis and the narratives regarding identity and rural societies. Although there has been a clear preference for museums focusing on art or history to explain our cultural identity, the recent history of ethnological museums in Catalonia has consisted of a series of failed attempts to create a major national museum.

But these factors only explain part of the situation. At the local level, since the s our ethnological heritage has played a strong social role in expressing local identity Alcalde and Rueda, and has also been seen and used as a resource for developing or sustaining the local economy Prats, On the other hand, in the context of a large city like Barcelona, ethnological museums play a secondary role: it is difficult for them to compete with major art museums, which are part of the modern image of the city presented to tourists, and to explain the complexity of identities in a context where they are changing, one which is multicultural and involves complex, permeable societies.

Explaining these social changes should be one of the key roles of ethnological museums but this has not been achieved because of the difficulties related to the content of museums dealing with society, which are politically more difficult to manage than the apparently more neutral art museums this is why some ethnological museums become museums in which objects are exhibited for their aesthetic value, as we shall see.

Accordingly, governments often do not consider the creation of or investment in these museums a priority, because their content or the stories they tell may prove uncomfortable. As Bergeron points out regarding the case of Canada , relations between governments and the discourse presented in museums dealing with society are often turbulent because of the influence of museums on the public and the difficulty of controlling that discourse.

Governments generally use museums to validate their own discourse and ideological position, exploiting them as. It is thus clear that there has been no political or social interest in creating major ethnological museums in Catalonia2 because of the political difficulties they involve and because other museums already fulfil the role of narrating national identity. There are two further reasons, which we shall be returning to later. Firstly, the limited interest in anthropology as an academic discipline relevant to museums, with a distant, generally critical view.

Secondly, and more importantly, the effects of the economic recession dating from , which has brought about a drastic reduction in public spending on museums. This is not only paralysing the creation of new museums but seriously affecting the activities of existing museums and their chances of survival, especially local museums. In the following pages we shall examine some of these questions, analysing the situation and recent controversies concerning ethnological museums in Catalonia.

We shall attempt to answer the following questions among others: What political and socio-economic circumstances have conditioned their development? Why have interesting local museums developed when there is so little development of Catalan national museums? What theories have influenced the development of Catalan ethnological museums? How do they represent and exhibit Catalan society and local society?

How do they respond to the challenges arising from the economic recession? What conceptual and theoretical challenges are posed by social transformation, globalisation and efforts to obtain political rights in Catalonia? The text comprises four main sections. After a brief review of the history of ethnological museums we look separately at the situation of three main types of museum and the issues affecting them: local museums, museums dealing with other cultures and the hitherto unsuccessful projects for the creation of a National Ethnological Museum.

This will enable us, in our conclusion, to discuss the main challenges facing these museums and, in particular, how they are responding to the current recession. The development of ethnological museums Although our main aim is to analyse the current situation of ethnological museums, an examination of their history will enable us to understand their situation in recent times. In general terms, we can identify four main periods in the development of museums in Catalonia.

In the first stage, the years up to , the development of ethnological museums was limited to a few isolated cases. In the second period, after , a large number of ethnological museums, especially local museums, were created as a result of the strengthening of cultural identity after the restoration of democracy in Subsequently, in the period to , discourse regarding identity continued to be important, while the number of museums grew considerably as a result of economic development.

In the last period, the impact of the economic recession has led to a drastic reduction in funds allocated to museums in general and to the need for a new approach to ethnological museum science. These considerations also apply to other autonomous regions in Spain and even to Spain as a whole.

One of the difficulties of the project was that there had to be explanations about Spain. Background Before the development of ethnological museums was very limited. There are many reasons for this but we would point out five in particular: the scant academic interest in folklore, the limited development of academic anthropology, the limited role of Spanish colonialism in the period when the most important ethnographic collections of material from other cultures were being built up late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries , the prohibition by the Spanish state of all representations of Catalan identity especially during the dictatorships of Primo de Rivera and Franco , and the insignificant role of museum science in the Catalan nationalist and regionalist movements, in contrast with the Scandinavian countries, for example, where museums and folklore played an essential role in the struggle for national identity.

Even so, there were a number of initiatives. The first projects for museums devoted specifically to ethnography date from the early twentieth century, as a result of the initiative of a group of students of folklore who felt and expressed the need to create centres to explain and interpret the cultural, social and economic circumstances of traditional societies.

However, folklore and traditional regional laws were to play an ambivalent role, since, although they were tolerated by the regime, they were significant in maintaining regionalist sentiment in Catalonia Geniola, Various campaigns were organised to obtain objects representative of popular culture from different parts of Catalonia for the museum. In the two museums were unified, in they were separated again and in they were reunified. Throughout this period these projects were supported by Barcelona City Council, which has played this role not only in the case of ethnological museums but with a good number of others.

From the second half of the s, and above all from the s onward, a series of regional ethnographic museums were created5, many. These museums marked the first stages in the recovery on a local level of regional features and our ethnological heritage and they played an important role in resisting uniformity, to the extent that they can be considered a focal point of resistance to loss of identity and cultural activism. In the s, the final years of the Franco era, the foundations were progressively laid for an approach to local museum science that would be more fully developed during the Transition.

The proliferation of these museums, most of which came into existence as the result of social initiatives and a great deal of voluntary work, was undoubtedly the most significant feature of museum science in those years Iniesta, Two closely related events made a decisive contribution to the proliferation of local museums: the restoration of the Government of Catalonia and the arrival of new, democratic local councils.

Efforts to establish Catalan and local identity led to the creation of a large number of local museums, as a relatively quick way to provide a local response to the rapid changes taking place in rural societies. The proliferation of museums also led to the creation of a network of local and county museums in According to Rueda , during this period nine regional museums were created and thirteen. The first would show aspects such as human dwellings, household furniture and the first forms of industry hunting, fishing, livestock, agriculture ending with popular or artisan industry.

The spiritual part showed the life of individuals from birth to death, taking in marriage and family life together with rituals, music, drama, dance, theatre, superstitions, medicine and religion. Many of these museums were renovated after the restoration of democracy. The number of regional museums in the network reached twenty, most of them ethnological. While the Catalan government had focused on local museums in the previous period, from the s onward it undertook a process of consolidating Catalonia as an autonomous region and supported a project for the establishment of national museums.

The creation of a national ethnological museum was envisaged but, as we shall see, this has never taken place. The enactment of the Law on Museums applied a new model of museum planning, based on thematic networks which had their headquarters in the national museums. Casa Gassia. Inspired by the model of radial ecomuseums, it was one of the first to apply the concept of ecomuseum in Catalonia. Moreover, plans to launch Barcelona as a cultural destination implied the creation of new cultural facilities, prioritising museums aimed at tourists.

Nevertheless the number of local museums continued to grow considerably thanks to municipal initiatives, largely motivated by the idea of creating schemes to boost local development. The creation of new museums and the refurbishment of existing museums was even more intense during the first years of the twenty-first century.

Between and the expansion of heritage assets was impressive, with projects that sought more modern, more original approaches. Moreover, the nature of the museums themselves has changed. In previous decades museums were the result of social initiatives but now local museums are generally promoted by public institutions with the aim of developing tourism or contributing to social development.

Many small communities have created museum infrastructures, especially interpretation centres, in many cases without adequate planning or an assessment of how the museum is to be maintained, whether it can survive and its ability to attract visitors. At the local level, this was the case of museums devoted to ethnological especially rural heritage, industrial heritage and historical memory.

These years did not only see growth in the number of museums. There was also a pronounced tendency for them to externalise services, creating a large number of museum-related businesses concerned with the preparation of projects, exhibitions and educational services. This outsourcing implied that a large number of museums were set up according to business logic,. The companies themselves designed the products and the setting and even chose the themes.

They are, above all, products designed for the tourist market. Even after the beginning of the recession, the number of museums continued to rise. Most were projects that had already started and, despite the adverse economic situation, they were completed. To what extent does Catalan society need so many museums? Museums in the recession since With the onset of the recession the scenario changed radically.

Since museums have seen investment, budgets and ordinary expenditure progressively falling. Many museums have reduced their activities, the number of exhibitions and even their opening hours, while many jobs have been lost. Interestingly, we find that the museums in the best position to survive are large museums that live from tourism and small museums with few facilities but a strong base in the community, including eco-museums and ethnological museums created with a more solid community basis, while those.

As Bergeron says, museums with a strong social base are in a better position to survive and adapt to adverse economic conditions. Even so, conditions are very hard for many local museums, which have had to cope with a substantial reduction in public funding by reducing the number of employees, employing staff part time and, above all, by cutting back on their more costly activities temporary exhibitions, publications, research, etc. We do not have specific figures showing how much ethnological museums have been affected by spending cuts, but overall public funding for museums fell by In this period the largest percentage reduction in funding was in that received from the autonomous government Budgetary allocations were.

Another significant factor is that Catalan museums are funded mainly by local councils Although this pattern of funding has been similar since Table 1 , during the recession years the proportion contributed by local councils was much greater. In , for example, funding from the Catalan government fell to In short, these figures show that there were serious budgetary cuts, affecting everyday activities above all, and that the greatest.

La Farga del Roquer, Museu del Montseny. Example of museumization of industrial heritage. By administration and area of action. Source: Government of Catalonia. Ministry of Culture. Plan for Museums in Catalonia.

Museums, Barcelona, Chart 2: Museum funding in Catalonia The extent to which funding was reduced is, however, even greater in the case of local ethnological museums. In addition to the. As can be seen in Table 2, average funding varies greatly.

Moreover, it has been the medium-small. Furthermore, while the larger museums increased their numbers of employees in the period , the rest have reduced the number of staff they employ. The same trend can be seen in the total workforce. The recession has also raised doubts about the content of ethnological museums and their objectives, as they must achieve a difficult balance between their social objectives, the interests of the public, public funding. We shall deal with these issues in greater detail at the end of this article.

Local ethnological museums The characteristics of local ethnological museums Since local museums have had to face various challenges. They need to contribute to the generation of resources and the transformation of heritage, even to making it profitable. All these museums are subject to various tensions, which include finding a balance between service to the local community and their use by tourists, constructing local identity based on traditional forms and communities that are very different today, the tension between local and global, and the enthusiasm of their staff for a local project where funds are often lacking Rasse, Although they constitute the largest proportion, they are the type that attracts fewest visitors: 1, per year on average, with an annual average of 13, for museums compared with the general average of 92, and 1, for collections compared with an average of 25, visitors 9.

Other more specifically ethnological local museums receive some 10,, visitors. The remaining ethnological museums have fewer than 10, visitors. As we have already pointed out, local museums are the outstanding and most characteristic feature of Catalan ethnological museology. However, we can distinguish two main families of museums. The first stems from the influence of the new museology, although it has, logically, been readapted.

The first was a change in their discourse: museums no longer needed only to preserve the past but also to explain it; the object alone was therefore no longer sufficient, its role in the rural scene, its ecological significance and its contribution to identity needed to be made clear. The second, and possibly the most important change, was that a new role was assigned to museums: they were no longer expected to be erudite institutions dealing with the past but were also expected to contribute to local development, tourism and the generation of income.

Heritage thus moved from being a reserve to being a strategy for local development, while it also acquired a political role, being used to mobilise the actors in a region in pursuit of common objectives. Although there are few institutions described as such in Catalonia, a large number may be considered to have been inspired by the concept. Many arose from the initiatives of associations or local groups in a period when the search for local identity and a Catalan national identity was fundamental after many years under the Franco regime.

Most were small local experiments created to safeguard a collective memory through objects used in agriculture or as part of festivals or ceremonies. Many have a close connection with the area and are presented as a local institution which is more interesting because it.

We include figures for both categories combined. Source: own figures based on data from the Ministry of Culture: Statistics on museums. Neither have we included the list of industrial heritage museums as they do not appear as ethnological museums, although we consider that they should be classified as such. An example is the Museu de les Mines in Cercs, with 36, visitors.

However, a large proportion of these museums have updated their displays and museography and have succeeded in combining a fresh image with their social role. The second family comprises a series of designer museums, often called interpretation centres, many of which have been created without adequate planning regarding their potential. The reorientation of these museums is, in our opinion, one of the main challenges for the restructuring of museums on the local level as they have not always not even before the recession attracted the visitor numbers envisaged or met their financial targets Prats, One of the main problems for local ethnological museums is their isolation and their size.

These are museums located in small and medium-sized Catalan towns, which have gained an excellent reputation over the years and made a valuable contribution to the community. They are the ethnological museums which have the highest standards in terms of museography, public acceptance and research. By working as part of a network they hope to combine their efforts in the areas of displays, conservation and research. Working in this way is undoubtedly one of the best options for the continuity of these museums.

What picture of Catalan society do museums give us? But what picture do local ethnological museums give us of Catalan society? These museums are often based on a nostalgic view of the rural past and interest in creating them is a response to the process of globalisation and fear of losing features of our rural culture. The old museums with rural artefacts have aged, not only in their form but above all in their content: the traditional, idyllic societies they portray are now very remote from modern visitors, even those working on the land.

The recognition of rural society as heritage has become a new instrument for local. And museums, consciously or unconsciously, often contribute to the increasing role of rural society as heritage, thus legitimising these processes. Museums are beginning to refer to the economic challenges facing agriculture, ecological crops, methods of production, the globalisation of agriculture, and genetically modified food.

This new approach is also related to contemporary scientific discourse on rural life and the different models devised to explain its development Jean, Museu de la Vida Rural. The last part of the museum explains the changes and challenges of agriculture and rural society.

First-person narratives tell visitors about a wide range of aspects of rural life, including waste recycling, the problems of genetically modified crops and the protection of seeds, agroecology, trade in local produce, slow food, and renewable energies. While it is true that many museums offer a frozen, archaic image of these societies, many others have attempted, more or less successfully, to find formulae to modernise their narrative and inform visitors about the.

Ethnological museums have made a great deal of progress in this sense and new generations of university-trained museum scientists are making their mark in this slow transformation. Not all museums are in a position to tackle these challenges: there are many conceptual difficulties and problems regarding discourse and museography, even including the preferences of visitors who see museums as institutions reflecting the past and not the present.

As well as museums focusing on rural themes, since the s there has been growing interest in industrial heritage. This type of heritage, not always considered as ethnological, has developed quickly because, as a result of industrial transformation, many factories, workshops and even craft industries that contributed to the economic identity of an area have become obsolete.

This has left many places not only with economic problems which industrial museums have tried to palliate by looking for new sources of income but also with problems of identity, which these museums have helped to reinforce.

This type of heritage often proves. The action of the ecomuseum also takes place in the field of the promotion of craftwork. From the viewpoint of ethnological heritage, the problem with these museums is that ethnologists have been unwilling or unable to see them as belonging to the field. Debate regarding the national ethnology museum While local ethnological museums, despite their limitations, have a certain presence, the development of national ethnological museums in Catalonia has, paradoxically, been very limited.

Museums have been created in various autonomous regions with a view to presenting features of national or regional identity but in Catalonia this has not been done to date. Moreover, all the initiatives proposed have been fiercely debated.

In a first attempt was made via a seminar attended by various people with an interest in anthropology university, museums, research centres, institutions, leading figures, politicians, experts and professionals, including various anthropologists to establish the mission, aims, and conceptual and political model for the displays in the planned museum, its creation being envisaged in the Law on Museums Ventosa, Apart from the debate itself, the project was badly received by the press, with criticism of its approach to cultural identity.

This may be why it was sidelined and the Government of Catalonia opted for the construction, in record time, of a museum devoted to the history of Catalonia. Plans for an ethnological museum were shelved for many years until, at the end of , a new Plan for Museums was approved, containing two major proposals for the development of ethnological museums: the creation of a network of museums.

The proposal led to lively debate, especially regarding two aspects: the desirability of incorporating the archaeological museum in a common project and the way in which the museum should deal with Catalan identity and Catalan society and its cultural diversity. The first of these issues produced the most criticism, with support for the continued. Various plans for museums have been presented by the Government of Catalonia.

After the Law on Museums , which defined the situation of museums in Catalonia, a plan for museums in Catalonia was drawn up in This was updated in with the guidelines for a new plan for museums in Catalonia and later, in July , with a working paper for a new plan for museums in Catalonia. Sistema de Museus de Catalunya. The latest and most ambitious attempt was the Plan for Museums, which, following an extensive study, lays down the foundations for a project to be implemented in the coming years.

It is curious to note that, while Catalan archaeologists mounted a vigorous campaign in defence of their museum, there were hardly any protests among anthropologists against the proposal for an ethnological museum. In , shortly after the publication of the new Plan for Museums, although the proposals for a unified museum were still only sketchy, a manifesto was signed by over 1, people, including a substantial number of archaeologists and university lecturers.

There was considerable discussion about how identity should be presented, although it was less intense As in these museums, the approach was multi-disciplinary, based on temporary rather than permanent exhibitions thus overcoming the difficulties of producing a synthesis that might be reduc-.

Given the strong role of this type of museum in establishing identity, it seems strange that no national ethnological museum should have been created. There are various reasons for this but we feel that it can be explained by three main factors: the lack of interest on the part of Catalan anthropologists in museum science the community has not applied any pressure to support the idea, while in other cases, such as archaeology, there has been strong demand for a specific museum ; the difficulty of explaining identity in a museum; and the fact that the drive to establish Catalan identity has focused less on heritage than on other identifying features.

Government decisions to support museums devoted to history or to archaeology can undoubtedly be defended on political and even on academic grounds. But the failure to develop a museum of human society means that we have missed the opportunity to implement an interesting project, which could have very important social repercussions, and create an institution that could be among the most innovative.

It is also symptomatic that there are few plans for museums that foster cross-cultural dialogue, when this is one of the subjects that most concern Catalan society. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, the museum introduced a new permanent display which dealt with traditional cultures and cross-cultural influences, encouraging open communication in a space for dialogue and recognition between cultures.

Special attention was paid to the world of Catalan industrial workers and other communities and social groups such as gipsies, Jews and immigrants from the Americas and Africa, and numerous activities were organised related to such communities in the context of a period of heavy immigration.

Nevertheless, the museum achieved a certain social influence and established links with different social groups. In the museum was closed for extensive refurbishment of the building with plans to. However, the project was modified when the new City Council, elected in , proposed creating a new museum of world cultures , which would house the most valuable exhibits from the MEB. It was decided to take advantage of the location to house part of the collection of the ethnological museum and the Folch private collection, loaned to the city for twenty years.

The museum displayed the collection so that visitors could appreciate its aesthetic quality, with exhibits isolated from the material, social and historical circumstances in which they were produced, with few allusions to the colonial and post-colonial periods or a wider concept of culture. The city thus lost the opportunity to create a modern multicultural museum in the style of world culture museums such as the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam, the Museum of World Culture in Gothenburg, and the Rautenstrauch Joest Museum in Cologne Van Geert, It shows cultural diversity through the artistic experience of peoples from a multidiscipli-.

Currently this museum can only be visited by appointment. Its creation was related to the work of missionaries from the early years of the twentieth century de Manresa, The concept is based on an artistic view of the ethnological object, without considering the role of colonialism in these continents or the cultural context in which the exhibit was produced.

Even so, the authorities tried to assign a role of cultural dialogue to the museum. The museum has not, moreover, been successful in attracting the visitor numbers that. Exhibition of works made according to their aesthetic perspective. Although it had 50, visitors22 during the first two months after opening February and March , when admission was free, the number has declined since then, to the extent that numbers of visitors are currently well below23 initial expectations, bearing in mind the investment and its central location.

However, at present it is too soon to carry out any analysis. With the change of local government in the management of the MCM and the MEB was unified and a new series of temporary exhibitions was launched, including an exhibition about Spanish colonialism in Africa Iukunde. The MEB, reopened in after four years of rebuilding work, houses. Challenges and discussion for the future The development of ethnological museums in Catalonia, their situation and the debates we have presented raise a number of questions about their future.

Ethnological museums will have to deal with many challenges but these can be summarised under five headings. Funding is undoubtedly the most difficult challenge. The question is complex, because lack of funding is stifling day-to-day operations, conditions of. With this exhibition the museum wanted to open a different exhibition line. However, as Bergeron 66 points out, the recession is also forcing museums to review their mission, the development of their collections and their communication strategies.

And, as the same author suggests 80 , we should be optimistic because, although the funding of museums by different government bodies seems to be threatened more than ever, we need to convince those bodies of the need for museums to continue to exist because of their cultural and social role, and their contribution to key aspects of a shared, open culture in a well-informed society. If ethnological museums succeed in modernising their discourse, they will be able to offer many responses to the major challenges facing contemporary society.

In order to alleviate governmental responsibility, politicians expect that the funds raised by the museums themselves, in addition to those provided by public institutions, will play an increasingly important role, and that this will condition the development of museums.

However, ethnological museums must be capable of convincing the authorities that investment in museums can be useful in periods of recession, as they can contribute to social stability. Paraphrasing the words of the economist Schumacher Small is Beautiful , Bergeron 82 identifies the need to take action on the human scale into account in museums, considering the economy from the point of view of sustainable development.

The existence of these museums is not based on economic logic but on community and social logic, so that small museums have an important role in the regional economy. However, beyond the financial challenges, which threaten the continuity of museums or force them to adopt a different formula, ethnological museums in Catalonia are faced with other challenges which are no less complex.

It is not so much a question of closing museums as of using resources effectively, working in networks that deal really efficiently with technical issues, sharing staff and overcoming local isolation. This may seem simple but it is highly complex. Decisive measures to improve the standing of local museums are also needed, a policy that seems to be indicated in the new Plan for Museums.

Major organisational efforts are called for and technical resources are needed for conservation and research, considering museums in a wider sense and making them custodians of local heritage. Museums today are undoubtedly undergoing major changes. The notion of heritage has become polysemic and there is a multiplicity of new forms of heritage. Firstly, other types of heritage are proliferating outside museums, such as intangible heritage, which is becoming increasingly important.

Ethnological museums need to become custodians of intangible local heritage, as they are the organisations that can best do this. Secondly, objects, while still playing an important role, will no longer predominate. New reserves are increasingly digital and today the notion of authenticity does not have the same meaning as it did a few decades ago Bergeron, The creation of digital museums is an unresolved issue in a culture where books, the press and music now circulate predominantly via the internet and social networks.

The new technologies, little used as yet, will allow museums to create new ways to make their collections and exhibitions available. Another major challenge for ethnological museology in Catalonia is the creation of a national museum of ethnology. The wealth of local museums fulfils this mission successfully, but we need an organisation able to direct and coordinate their work and, above all, to raise the profile of anthropological museums.

The economic recession and social and political interests have not helped us to achieve this aim and to date there have only been declarations of good intentions. Whether the museum of history and archaeology proposed in. Depending on the scenario, an increase from Apart from funding, the rapid social changes taking place in Catalan society are also affecting ethnological museums, many of which are the product of or have inherited the theoretical approaches of the new museology of the s.

Traditional themes should not be discarded, but the introduction of new thematic content is necessary: immigration, cultural diversity, relations between cultures, nationalism, conflict, the transformation of the family, tourism, urban spaces and new rituals, and consideration of the independence movement and new social movements are just a few examples.

The advantage of ethnological heritage, compared with other types of heritage, is that it can deal with the contemporary issues that underlie social concerns. Logically, these themes are often. The challenges are enormous. How does one reach the new social movements?

What role should museums play in the political future of Catalan society? The recession has led to greater concern with social issues such as the right to housing, multiculturalism, unemployment and the independence movement in Catalonia. Can museums attract these movements or work with them? Are they prepared to deal with these issues and become a space for social debate? Because of the subjects they deal with, ethnological museums should make these questions a priority, but to date they have only been framed as part of a declaration of principles.

Although they are subject to considerable pressure to obtain new funding, museums have an important role to play in a process that attempts to combine the social and economic value of heritage. Girona: Documenta Universitaria.

In Lira, S. Ecomuseums , Barcelos: Green Lines Institute. Andreu, A. In Arrieta, I. Patrimonios culturales y museos, Bilbao: Publishing service of the University of the Basque Country. Crochet, A. In Gonseth, M-O. Lyon: Presses Universitaires. In Roige, X. San Sebastian: Ankulegi Antropologia Elkartea.

Generalitat de Catalunya Pla de museus de Catalunya. Museus Barcelona: Ministry of Culture. Geniola, A. In Archiles, F. Valencia: University of Valencia. Gob, A. Greffe, X. Prats, Ll. Price, S. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Jean, Y. Rasse, P. In Gelarau, M. Lille: Presses Universitaires. Juan i Nebot, A. Paris: Dunod. Culture, politique et changement institutionnel.

Moutinho, M. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, 8 8 : Legazpi detailed a squad to avenge the murder, and they returned with some prisoners, one of them the niece of Tupas, the chief of Cebu. Learning who she was, Legazpi sent her maid-in-waiting to tell her uncle to come for a parley and lead the captives back, if he wanted.

Tupas did not come. His brother did, with six men to offer as slaves to Legazpi as ransom for his daughter. This completely surprised the father. Never was a war captive, especially a woman captive,. Captives, especially women members of the royal families, were cherished slaves and set free only on payment of a special ransom. He left his daughter in the Spanish camp to go back and tell Tupas to befriend the Spaniards, or he would kill him, as he had men to do it for him.

These early episodes during the Spanish conquest of the Philippines no local history book mentions. But they are a window to the pre-Hispanic culture and the key to the culture that eventually evolved in the Philippines. Legazpi conquered Cebu and the rest of the Philippines, not through military force, but through the introduction of a new way of life based on Hispanic Christianity. And Spain ruled the Philippines for more than years, not through soldiers guarding the towns, but through the moral superiority of the values that guided the Spanish colonial government in the Philippines.

Later, more than one Governor General in Manila assured the Madrid government that a friar in the Philippines was as valuable as a battalion commander. Royal instructions also told him to survey the towns, look into the local life style, befriend the local chiefs, and establish trade relations with them. Of all these he was ordered to submit a detailed report.

But, besides Manila, Cebu, and Butuan, the Spaniards found no centers of the spice trade or sources of gold. They immediately realized that the Philippines was poor, and royal advisers urged the King to abandon the islands for which millions of pesos were being drained from the treasury. But King Philip II cut short all that talk by assuring his royal council that, even if only one chapel was built and only one Indio in the Philippines was baptized, he would willingly sell part of his crown jewelry and part of his revenue from the South American colonies to colonize the Philippines.

Fortunately, the experience in South America provided a model for ruling a colony at less cost to the royal treasury: the encomienda, or land trust, assigned to deserving colonists for meritorious service. The encomendero, or land trustee, resettle the people in permanent communities, established a just government, and taught the Catholic Faith.

To do these, he could collect the tribute and imposed on all healthy adult males the polo, or obligatory public service. The tribute, not the royal funds, would be shared with the colonists to support them, while the polo, at the time when currency was not yet used in the Philippines, was to install and maintain necessary infrastructure, like opening and repairing roads and bridges, night patrols in the towns.

Both the tribute and the polo were not new to the Filipinos, for they used to pay the traditional padgatu, or a share in the harvest or work for the tribal chief, like rowing his boat, building his house, etc. This forced people to move in search of new sites for the next crop. But the plow dug deeper, turned up the soil, and uprooted the cogon, allowing people to till and replant the same site repeatedly.

Previously, they lived like nomads, wandering from place to place in search of prey or new land to cultivate. With the plow, this was no longer necessary, and the people stayed put, observing the time and the seasons for tilling, planting, and waiting for the crop to ripen, and harvest it. The plow helped to reorganize life in time.

Colonial law was quite detailed about settlements. These should be on elevated and healthy sites, close to sources of water and wood. They should have a rectangular plaza, whose four corners corresponded to the four cardinal winds. Streets a cordel y a regla straight and measured should be drawn from the corners and sides of the plaza. One side of the plaza was reserved for the church, a second for the tribunal government hall , the third for the school for the.

Houses with partitions and solid walls should line the streets. Many Philippine towns today still preserve this gridiron pattern inherited from classical Rome through Spain. Sociologists observe that community life imposes mutual social duties, or an exchange of social services. The farmer no longer had to go out to sea and fish, the fisherman did not have to defend the community, the soldier did not have to weave his clothes, the iron smith to plant crops, etc.

Because indigenous tongues could not fully express the Christian mysteries, Spanish royal law decreed that all in the colonies should learn Castilian. But it was easier for one missionary to learn several local idioms than for entire communities, old and young, to learn Castilian. And so, the native idioms were used to preach the Gospel, but when there were no local terms for Christian realities, Castilian was used.

These borrowings show a wide-ranging socioeconomic transformation with the introduction of Christianity. Resettlement was preliminary to the main tasks fo government and evangelization. On naturally had to prove his sincerity before his baptism, and this was never easy. Pre-Christian concepts of good and evil did not always agree with the Christian.

Physical evil and suffering was a common experience of the peoples. Over-eating or overindulging in alcoholic drinks led to immediate unpleasant effects. Murder or theft merited quick retaliation. But they had no idea of moral evil, and one can easily imagine their perplexity on seeing for the first time the crucifix, or the image of a man dead on the cross, held up before by the missionary in their presence.

And for the first time, they heard the astounding story of the crucifixion. Purely out of love, God sacrificed Himself to pay for their sins and all that God asked from them was that they love Him in return. This was the answer to the problems of life, of suffering, of evil. And the missionaries insisted that this was so important that they had left everything, their family, their country, their possessions, their future, only in order to tell them this story, this divine invitation from God.

And Spanish colonial policy succeeded only to the extent that the new religion transformed their attitudes and their lives. The colonial officials were not theologians or moralists, ut Philippine society was based on Christian moral tenets. Not all, of course, lived as befitted sincere Christians. Monogamy, for example, was hard and we have the story of Sumuroy, who in led an uprising in eastern Visayas that spread to northeastern Mindanao and southern Bicol, not because of political or socio-economic complaints, but because a priest in Palapag, Samar, his town, had forced him to set aside his concubine and return to his wife.

Yet Philippine history is dotted with uprisings, local and isolated incidents provoked by unbearable socio-economic burdens, with minimal political undertones. But the reaction of panicky government to the Cavite mutiny in January was an important episode that marked the beginning of the end of Spanish presence in the Far East.

Rizal, the most perceptive critic of the Spanish colonial policies, sought positive solutions to end the problems of his country. He urged Spain to institute reforms, for movements from below were, he pointed out, usually impossible to control and went out of hand. Besides, Spain could no longer stop the progress of the Philippines. Oppressing the people and keeping them poor was risky, for the poor would do anything to improve their situation.

Limiting the birth rate would not work, either. Despite famines, epidemics, chronic wars, the local population had grown. Modern steamboats, cable lines, roads and bridges had narrowed distances between the islands and the provinces, and the Filipinos were more aware of what lay beyond their horizons. Finally, Spain could not block education, for, despite all odds, the Filipinos had managed to educate themselves.

In other words, to Rizal, if Spain wanted to keep its farthest colony, it must introduce, not palliatives, but substantial changes to guarantee the freedoms of modern democratic society. In , a Spanish military officer warned his superiors of the growing discontent among the Filipinos and the danger facing Philippine society.

No love was lost between the peninsulars, he wrote, and the criollos. Poor generally, the criollos had no taste for business, and few trusted them. Government posts were assigned almost exclusively to the peninsulars, not the criollos, because of a policy that official positions were better assigned to those without blood relative in the country.

The Chinese mestizos were wealthy and educted, a number of them having been ordained to the priesthood. They had the same aspirations as the Indios, and generally sided with the latter against the peninsulars or the criollos. To correct the situation, the report concluded, the government must reward the good and punish the bad, regardless of their racial affiliation. Education should be available to the criollos, and qualified criollos should have the opportunity to make use of their untapped talents.

Finally, legal procedures for hiring and promotion in the government service should be scrupulously observed. Unfortunately, Spain in the 19th century was in no position to rule a colony. Luckily, the profitable tobacco monopoly in the Philippines helped Spain weather the crisis, but it severely affected the colony. Rafael Izquierdo relieved Gov.

This was in Philippine history was an effort to humanize in order to Christianize a people. It was a program originally entrusted to a clergy ordained to preach the Good News to the entire world. Colonies are self-liquidating. In due time, they form their own identity. Whether abusive or not, colonization inevitably develops the colony. It is another question who benefits from the. Distance and limited economic opportunities in the Philippines discouraged colonists from coming, but missionary friars came.

That they succeeded we know, since we had people like Rizal and his peers. At the same time, Spain clung to the principle of authority, and failed to recognize its own success. This insult, directed, not against an individual Filipino, but to the entire race, provoked the reaction from an entire people who finally took up arms against their rulers.

This was the psychological spark that ignited the Philippine revolution, not the emotional outbursts of our national propagandists. Emotion there was, of course, and it found expression in the scurrilous attacks on the friars, the visible agents of the colonial government. But one must know how to read propaganda and distinguish fact from fiction. A Spanish medical officer detained by the Katipunan in Zambales during the second phase of the Philippine revolution, noted that the Spanish priests received better treatment than the ordinary Spanish war prisoner.

He asked his native guard why, and this katipunero explained: You must know. The priests have taught us to be what we are. They founded schools for us. They forbade vice or vagrancy. In all the bitter times we, good Filipinos, have experienced or suffered from the Spanish provincial chiefs, the priests, besides good advice, have taken our side and helped us. Now that we see bad people go against the priests, note these have been active in the provincial government, like senior scribes, court interpreters — in one word, anyone wielding the pen — we the good ought to do for the priests what our obligation is and within our capability.

This incident clear up the anti-friar propaganda that today unthinking Filipinos have swallowed as truth. AGI Filipinas , 1, f. The Philippines in the sixteenth century. University of Chicago, P, Primer Obispo de Filipinas, Cuerpo de documentos del siglo XVI. Burgos: El siglo de las misiones, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas.

Madrid: Libreria General de Victoriano Suarez, Sevilla: Tesis Doctoral, Historia General de Filipinas. Catalogo de los documentos relativos a las islas filipinas existentes en el Archivo de Indias de Sevilla. Barcelona, Sinodo de Manila de Madrid: CSIC, La obra analizada fue concebida a partir del Arte de la lengua tagala escrito por el franciscano Juan de Oliver a finales del siglo XVI, sin duda uno de los "primeros padres" que codificaron el tagalo.

Pero dicha obra nunca fue impresa. El romance castellano puesto primero, de La obra del P. SBV Todos ellos ya presentes en el Vocabulario de San Buena Ventura de En tagalo sucede lo mismo. De este modo los morfemas de plural vienen a configurar una parte no analizable ni reconocible para el hablante tagalo.

Las palabras resultantes son, si parten de los infinitivos, obligatoriamente agudas. Es el caso de hibongcola "encolar guitarra o algo", desde colar , pagcacanta "cantar" , pilma "firmar carta o otra cosa de su nombre" , pagcocompisal "confesar" , compil "confirmar el obispo" , lumpia "limpiar candeleros, cuchillos, etc. Ridruejo, en prensa , o por mera continuidad. Del primero de los casos sobresalen los verbos tolomolde o polomolde "pedir por amor de alguien" y polomolderios, polamoldirios "mendigar por amor de Dios".

Dicho sufijo conoce dos alomorfos en tagalo, que son -han y —an y tiene un claro valor locativo y estatizante si aplicados a nombres. Lugar An do esta algo pos puesto a la raiz, diyan sanalagian nang paamo, ay do tienes los pies, satinitirican nang cahuy, do esta incado el palo, sacqinoconan nag bigas, el lugar dedo se tomo el arroz limpio, asinan, el lugardo esta la sal, borboran, hocoman, lugar del juzgado.

Casarse Asava pp dos o mas […] SBV []: En el caso de asaua. Las lenguas filipinas emplean diversos procedimientos para manifestar que el hablante no ha sido testigo directo de lo acontecido o de lo dicho por otros. SBV ; 3. Dizque Conorao pp nagpapaconorao. Dizque Conovari. Any burning of documents than may have transpired had very little to do with it.

Lo hizo el P. De hecho, el P. Los misioneros eran respetuosos con los sistemas filipinos de escritura, como el baybayin. Corregida por los Religiosos de las ordenes. Impressa con licencia. En S[an] Gabriel. De la Orden de S[anto] Domi[n]go. En Manila. De los Santos, Domingo, O. En la primera, se pone primero el castellano, y despues el tagalo. Y en la segunda al contrario, que son las rayzes simples con sus acentos.

Y dedicado a la misma Provincia. Con las licencias necesarias. Reimpreso en la imprenta de N. Francisco Lopez padre a S. Agustin iti Sinafan toy. Manila: Imprenta en el convento de San Pablo de Manila. En la imprenta de D. Manuel y de D. San Buena Ventura, Pedro de, O. Primera y Segunda Parte. Por el Padre F. Domingo Predicador General en la Provincia de N.

En el Partido de Bataan. Vivar, Pedro, O. Bloomfield, L. Cena, R. Field, Fredic W. Himmelmann, Nikolaus P. Himmelmann eds. Homenaje al Dr. Rafael, Vicente L. Rubino, Carl Ralph Galvez Ilokano. Schachter, P. Schachter, Paul y Fe T. Geburstag, Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang, Evidence from Australian English, Language in Society 15, Wolff, John U. Borne by the yearly galleons, a steady stream of cultural influences from Hispanic America, entered the Philippines and spread beyond it to the rest of the region.

The life-sized wooden image depicts Christ carrying his cross to Calvary. His right shoulder bears the weight. He wears a velvet maroon robe decorated with embossed gold threads. His cuffs and collar are in white lace, vaguely reminiscent of the costume of the Hapsburg court in the late 16th century. Over his head is a crown of thorns.

Three rays of beaten silver flare out from his head to indicate that he is divine. His face is in pain; his eyes look upward as though in supplication. The color of his skin is neither white nor brown, but black. This paper explores the embedded meanings that black images have assumed in Latin Christianity, with emphasis on Central America, and the meanings that contemporary Filipinos find in a particular Mexican image.

The paper is thus about acculturation: that process whereby an artifact, when imported, acquires new interpretations in another culture. It also highlights an example of the impact of Hispanic America upon the Orient since Every Friday there is a novena in honor of the Black Nazarene in Quiapo church, which is at the very heart of Manila. It draws devotees, both male and female, rich and poor, from all over Luzon.

Masses are said throughout the day and are crowded. So popular is the image, that even on other days of the week, multitudes throng the church attending one of the several masses through the day. January 9 marks the annual feast. Some of them carry their own images of the Nazarene either as miniatures or as life-sized images mounted on processional floats.

For many men, helping to pull the rope is a yearly devotion. It is a dangerous thing. The men vie with each other for the honor of pulling the rope. The street becomes a torrent of human bodies pulling the float here and there. Not content with this, many men climb over the others to wipe the foot of the image with a towel and even kiss it.

Afterwards they dive into the human torrent and are brought down to safety by many helpful hands. The year marked the fourth centenary of its arrival. Celebrations ended this April, According to popular accounts, it arrived at the port of Cavite aboard a galleon. Supposedly it must have been made by a Mexican Amerindian because of its color.

The Recollects, according to Msgr. Justa was the Archbishop of Manila. There it has remained ever since. Unfortunately Masgr. It may be based on documents that perished during the Battle of Manila in February, In his overview of the history of the Recollects in the Philippines.

He ibid. The image must have been popular then, for Ruiz. Indeed a trust fund was established on its account in order to sustain a mission in Mindanao. The Nazarene of Quiapo may be but a replica of the original image at the Recoletos Church. However the Quiapo image proved to be the more popular of the two. Even when its Intramuros counterpart was still intact, it attracted huge crowds and from all social levels.

This much I gather from my parents who loved both Intramuros and Quiapo. An unusual feature of the image is its color. Many well-loved representations in the Philippines of Christ and His Mother show them as fair-skinned, either with Chinese or European features. This holds true for the Sto. Entierro The Dead Christ in a Coffin.

But the Nazarene, and copies made of it, always show him as Dark Brown to Black. What makes this phenomenon even more unusual is that maNy Filipinos admire whiteness as an esthetic ideal. One hears Filipino women not wanting to be out in the sun too long, for fear of getting a dark complexion baka umitim.

Skin whiteners are available in drugstores and apparently are saleable. Movie actors and actresses are generally fairskinned So embedded is the notion that Fair is Beautiful, that at the Shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Makati, Metro Manila, one of the several representations at the sanctuary of the painting shows her as white.

So likewise is a statue representing Juan Diego, the Aztec to whom she appeared. Thus the lesson of the Cult of Our Lady of Guadalupe, namely that the Divine can assume the color of any human race, is subverted. The color of the Quiapo Nazarene is darker than that of ordinary city Filipinos. Perhaps, it is seen as darker even than the color of the Negrito pygmies, variously called Agta or Aeta, who were the original inhabitants of the archipelago before brown-skinned Austronesian speakers arrived around BC to become the majority population.

Yet one of their most revered icons is the DarkSkinned Lord. What then do they think of His color while praying to Him? In his classic essay on Our Lady of Guadalupe, the anthropologist Eric Wolf [] says that the social classes and the races of Mexico came together, despite differences between them, in their devotion to her. However, each sector found in her a symbol for its own particular interest. For those born of illicit unions between Indians and Spaniards or for those who had lost status within the Indian or Spanish groups she was a sign that they had a place, not only in heaven, but on earth - in their society.

On the other hand the Indians began by identifying her with the fertility goddess Tonantzin, on whose site the church arose. Eventually they realized that they too, like the Spaniards, were worthy of Christian salvation. Do ordinary Filipinos of today regard the blackness of the Nazarene as a sign that he is one of them? Though this has been expressed informally by observers of the Philippine scene, I have yet to hear actual devotees of the Quiapo Nazarene express this explicitly.

I wanted to hear them say that they find solidarity in a Christ who is Not-White. Thus the genesis of this essay. On a related note: Blackness is a standard feature of many Virgin and Child figures from the 11th th centuries in France and Spain.

Black Christs also appeared in parts of Spain and Mexico during the 16thth centuries. Scholars today theorize, as will be discussed below, that blackness was associated with the fertility of the soil and the womb. Blackness likewise characterize images bulol of ancestral spirits that the Ifugao of Northern Luzon carve as guardians of their village and their rice granaries.

The connection with fertility seems obvious. The blood of animals offered in sacrifice is smeared on the wooden images. Inevitably the blood turns black with age. Are Christian Filipinos of today attracted to the Nazarene because they identify it with fertility? How do the meanings they experience differ from those experienced in Central America, today and in the past?

Because of its central role in the life of Manila, many essays have been written on the Quiapo Nazarene. Two of the most outstanding are the popularly-written essays of Quijano de Manila pen-name of Nick Joaquin and Gregorio Brillantes Their pieces narrate the history of the image and of the district of Quiapo, the devotion that sprang around it, and the role played by this devotion in transforming Quiapo into the emotional core of Manila.

Basing herself on interviews, she show how a sense of aesthetic pleasure is stirred in devotees by the icon, the church and the procession itself. Even as they contribute to the unfolding of a meaningful spectacle, they derive a sense of wholeness.

Together with students, she conducted interviews with several devotees to understand how they conceive of their relationship with Christ. This paper examines the issue of skin color for this reason: In a world where skin-color has been used to oppress, we should understand those instances when a dark skin is associated with the Divine. For my paper, I examined available studies on blackness as a feature of religious images in Europe, Mexico and the Philippines.

I did key informant interviews among devotees of the Nazarene, largely in Quiapo. Some of these devotees were friends from many years and thus gave rich, detailed data. The approach I used in interpreting data from the interviews combines phenomenology and cultural ecology. On the one hand it is important to understand the reality of the Nazarene from the point of view of the devotees.

On the other hand the devotees are located in specific sectors of a society driven by a particular type of economy. The essay examines available writings on sacred black images in Catholic Europe and Mexico. Crossing over to the Philippines, it will look at blackness in indigenous religion, then at black Catholic images. The original plan had been to explore historical accounts in Manila archives of the devotion to the Nazarene during these past years and then to compare these with accounts by devotees today.

Unfortunately, the Archdiocesan Archives of Manila have not yielded anything about accounts of the devotion during the 17th th centuries. This paper thus focuses instead on accounts by devotees today. Representations of Mary and her Son as black were a widespread practice in parts of Europe during the 11th th centuries.

Southern France has the largest number of such images, Spain follows next Mila The Mother is depicted seated on a throne with the Child on her lap. The pose is stiff and hieratic; there is little or no attempt to suggest tenderness. The emphasis is on her majesty. The face and hands of both the Mother and Child are black. An example is the Virgin of Montserrat, a very popular pilgrimage center in Catalonia.

Research has linked this phenomenon with older pagan cults. Celtic, Druidic rites took place around representations of black images. The Greek goddess Artemis is associated with fertility. One representation shows her black and with many mammary glands. With incorporation into the Roman empire, Gaul France became the favored site of the cult of Cybele, the mother of all the gods and goddesses Mortis She is associated with the Earth; among her symbols are black stones de Miguel Later on the Egyptian cult of Isis entered Gaul Mortis One representation shows her seated on a throne, cradling her son Horus on her lap.

Isis is represented as black Mortis ; Balkis As is well known, Seth fought her husband Osiris, defeated him, hacked him to pieces and scattered these. Miraculously his parts were re-assembled by Isis; he came back to life.

That Osiris is the god of agriculture connects both him and Isis with fertility. But why black? Paloma de Miguel points out that both black and white are boundary colors. Black suggests the night, mystery, the interior of caves and the underground. The very absence of color and light suggests death.

But it can also suggest the opposite. Black is the color of the soil from where crops spring to nourish life. White too is ambivalent in meaning. On the one hand it is associated with light and therefore life. But, because the loss of blood results in a pallor, it too is associated with death.

Hence white garments are used for mourning in traditional Europe, in Chinese-influenced societies. These ancient traditions persisted in Christian France and Spain. However, why did an efflorescence of black Madonnas occur during the 11thth centuries?

This has yet to be answered. Why not earlier — between the fall of the Roman empire 5th century and the gradual reemergence of prosperous urban centers 11thth centuries? From the European perspective, there may be other reasons, even contradictory reasons, to the significance of black. By being the opposite of the white-skin most Europeans have, a black skin would have denoted the Complete Other. It would thus have influenced representations of the Sacred.

Necessarily what a society regards as unusual will not be the same in another society. But the dark complexion may have been meaningful for a contradictory reason: the peasants who worked the fields got sunburned while the nobility remained fair-skinned.

While the custom of depicting Virgins as black began to decline in the 13th century, some Spanish statues of the Suffering Christ, during the 16thth centuries, show him with a dark complexion bordering on blackness. This is brought out in procession during Holy Week. His skin is very dark Subias The last is extremely popular in a zone extending from the U. Southwest to Ecuador.

Yacatecutli, the god of commerce, was venerated here. Under Christianity, a Black Christ replaced this black deity. She says that indigenous Americans, just like the Chinese, saw contraries as essential in maintaining cosmic balance. Thus, in contrast with red which represented the east, the sun, the day, the earth, and drought, black represented the west, the moon, the night, water and rain.

As is well known, the sacrifice of victims, especially humans, formed an important part of indigenous religion in Mesoamerica. Victims were killed and offered so that the Sun might have life. The victims offered to the god of vegetation, Xipe Totec, were tied and killed with arrows Haberland Blood caking any object, whether an altar or a human being, eventually turns black. The opposition Death-Life, that was associated with blackness in Europe, was likewise at work in indigenous Mesoamerica.

Among the ancient Mayas, warriors painted themselves black, black had associated magical qualities. It signified death violence and sacrifice. There is another aspect of blackness that worshippers draw from these Christs and Virgins: the dignity of being dark-skinned.

Brazilian slaves took this to signify that the Black Virgin disapproved of The Otomi are an ethnic group who live in Central Mexico. A lexical analysis by Galinier of their words for smell suggests that excrements suggest both decomposition of dead matter and regeneration of the soil. In Mesoamerica, devotees of Black Christs, particularly in the rural areas, are largely Amerindian and mestizo. The Black Christ of Esquipulas is regarded as a symbol of Guatemala itself.

Carlos Navarrete has been an advocate of the rights of Guatemalan Indians to land. He was persecuted and forced to flee to Mexico. However, when permitted to return in , he went directly to the Christ of Esquipulas. Summing up, blackness in sacred images in America is associated with the following: Earth and rain - Fertility of the soil — Life and death -- The dignity of being non-White.

The Black Nazarene comes from a Mesoamerican tradition where blackness symbolizes the annual regeneration of the soil, victory over death and fellowship with ordinary people. Brought to the Philippines, it generated new unexpected meanings. The chicken and pig were slain ibid. At times when the Visayan patient was of high status, like the datu, slaves were sacrificed observed Francisco Alcina SJ in Part 1, Bk.

Many of the Ifugaos of the Cordillera were able to escape Christianization until the first decades of the 20th century. The Ifugaos are famous for creating rice terraces from the mountainsides. Presumably the rich loam is black or near-black. The sacred figures assume various positions: sometimes standing though with bent knees, or seated on the ground with knees pressing towards the chest. To activate their power, they are bathed in the blood of a sacrificed pig ibid.

Over time the blood would have turned black, thus reinforcing the connection between blackness and life. Turning back to the 16thth centuries, a particular type of spirit or diwata was in fact imagined by the Visayans to be black. Alcina [] Part 1, Bk 1, Vol. At times he would come down and show himself. The priestess then took a root from where he stood and brought it home so that the sick might recover. As in the rest of Southeast and South Asia, the nunuk tree called balete by Tagalogs and related to the banyan was revered because of its unusual appearance.

It was huge and extended like a wall; many of its roots hung in the air like curtains; it had many crevasses. Visayan priestesses would dance themselves into a frenzy under its canopy. They believed that the small, black tree-spirit entered them as they swooned Alcina [] Part 1, Bk. Visayans may have associated blackness with Otherness for another reason.

It was the color of the Negritos who were wholly different. While the Visayans cultivated rice in garden plots, the Negritos lived by hunting and gathering in the fastnesses of the forest. In addition, the Negritos were pygmies who were unusual in being shorter and much darker than the brownskinned Visayans and who seemed to disappear at will into the forest. Black has associations with fertility in many societies of the past, whether Christian or not. Settlements were few and small: town dwellers were surrounded by forests and fields.

Blood rituals from the indigenous past had only recently been suppressed in Christian communities but were still being practiced in many parts of the islands, such as even the Visayas as reported by Alcina. Unfortunately, for now, we do not have data on what devotees of the Nazarene thought about His color.

However, we can gather such data today. My data for these interpretations come from extended interviews with several acquaintances and in the case of some from years of mixing with them in a variety of activities. These are initial interviews I report on. I will interview more.

Half of the interviewees were women, the other half men. They had modest occupations. They had all finished high school. One had a college degree. There are several themes in the data: a blessings from the Nazarene, b origins and significance of His color, c feelings of identity with Him.

Blessings attributed to the Nazarene were varied. Sam 1 lives in a small run-down apartment. He holds several jobs: He works for a city councilor, sells insurance and does marketing jobs. According to him, his father was diabetic and had kidney failure. He was supposed to have died.

Olivia, who does laundry work for a living and lives in a tiny room with her family, recounts how her son was cured of asthma through her novena to the Nazarene. On the other hand, Orlando and Pedring, both seamen, say that, thanks to Him, their contracts have always been renewed. Their furloughs have been short. Sofia came to the city from the province.

At first she and her husband were really poor. However, the tailoring business that she set up eventually grew and fetched her a modest income. This is thanks to the Nazarene. But what do these informants make of the black color of the Nazarene? He is different from other religious images that they know. He is even darker than the Virgin of Antipolo, also from Mexico.

I suggested that he is as dark as the Negrito, and even darker than the African Negro. The seamen agreed, having been to West Africa. The answer given by several was unexpected. However, on the ship that brought him to Manila, a fire broke out. He was burned, but was not consumed by the flames. This shows that the statue must be truly divine. Di ka man lang nasira. My God, you performed a miracle. But because of the fires of war, he became black. It is notable that Frieda, a college graduate, does not subscribe to any of these versions.

She merely answers that if He were not black, then his statue would not seem authentic but fake. For that is how she has known him since she was a child. Was the Nazarene actually burned? Narciso Maglaqui is the sculptor who does repairs on the church statue. Indeed he was commissioned by the parish to do a duplicate statue to be brought out in procession, for the original was starting to crack from rough handling during the processions.

According to Maglaqui, if the original had been burnt, the wood would have been like carbon. But the wood remains smooth. Thus the story about the tale of fire is really a legend. Jesus as the Sacred Heart is white-skinned and stands straight, peacefully showing his flaming heart of love to all. Why do they prefer the Nazarene? But they prefer the Nazarene because it shows him actively trying to do something for us by carrying the cross.

Class factors influence preference for the Nazarene. I cannot be myself. I can go wearing a duster and using slippers. Although she grew up going to Quiapo church with her mother, it is nearby San Sebastian that she can relate to. Her own devotion is to the Sacred Heart because He seems so peaceful and kind. Frieda is a college graduate who worked as an accountant for a reputable office.

She has long since been retired. Comparing the cult of the Nazarene with the cult of the Black Virgins, the Black Christs and even the indigenous practices of non-Hispanized pagan Filipinos, there are significant contrasts. Of course, a problem we must be clear about in making such a contrast is that interviews were used to understand devotion to the Nazarene today.

No such method is possible for the devotions of the past. Not present here is the Mesoamerican association of blackness with land and rain. Nor the preoccupation with fertility of the soil. The color of the Quiapo Nazarene is regarded as accidental by His devotees. He had a previous color until the fire broke out. Was it white? Understandably my consultants were silent on the matter because they assume this took place on the boat bringing Him to Manila.

But it would not be surprising if they think Him to have been white, for such is the color of Christ found in most Catholic images. Significantly, Sam believes the color of even Our Lady of Antipolo, another import from Mexico, to have been different before the trip to the Philippines.

Today the statue is brown, not black. Sam believes, however, its brownness came about because the statue was exposed to the wind and the sun at sea. As the patroness of the galleon, it was tied to the mast and so became sun-burnt. In contrast the black color of the 11thth century Madonnas and some of the Spanish and Mexican Christs were intended to be so from the start.

Black is regarded as an unusual color for a holy countenance. We should note that blackness once again, as in Mesoamerica, is not identified with the skin. It symbolizes rather a wondrous event, in this case a miraculous weathering of fire.

Indeed why not? Traditional black images of medieval France and Spain, of Renaissance Spain and Mexico, and of the pagan Cordillera invoke the mysteries of the soil. They are linked with societies involved in the agricultural cycle.

No matter how large cities in preth century, preindustrial Europe and Mexico may have been and not matter how far-removed from actual farming their inhabitants may have been, they retained some connection with the soil. The surrounding fields were visible, many were farmers by day who lived nonetheless within the city limits, the wealthy had farmlands, yearly calendar of festivities centered on the agricultural cycle.

It may be that such associations with agricultural fertility figure in the flagellations done in Central Luzon during Lent. Basilides Bautista, a filmmaker with a deep interest in documenting material culture, showed me a film clip of a farmer burying in his field his clothes that were bloodied by his self-flagellation.

The patron icon of these flagellants is the Black Nazarene. But the preoccupation of the Quiapo devotees has nothing to do with the soil. Farming is too remote a preoccupation. One can live in Metro Manila without ever seeing farmers planting and reaping.

The occupations of the devotees are characteristically urban. But why fire? Although agriculture continues to play a crucial role in the Philippines, the world of machines is what is most palpable to residents in Metro Manila today. True, the Philippines has yet to become fully industrialized. However, what the devotees experience everyday is governed by industrialism: light bulbs, fluorescent lamps, buses, cars, shopping malls, movies, factories. Running through all these as a vivifying current is electricity.

It may be that the fire that plays such a central role in their notion of the Ultimate Miracle of the Nazarene is a metaphor for this invisible energy that gives life to the city today. There is another possible layer of meaning. During the January 9 procession, thousands of bodies jostle with each other to grab the ropes and to clamber on top of the float.

A steamy heat is generated that can be felt even while watching from the second floor. The Nazarene passing through the streets, enveloped by this intense heat: Fire is an appropriate metaphor. The Nazarene is linked in the popular mind with the proletariat. Is this because of His color? It may not be so much His blackness but rather the fact that He is not White. A fair skin in Manila is associated with a upper class status, for many of the elite are of mixed origins: they have a heavy dosage of Spanish and Chinese blood.

Moreover, given His immense popularity, people from the different strata of Philippine society flock to His shrine everyday and at all hours. It is obvious from clothes and mannerisms alone, that many of the devotees are not rich.

Many come by jeepney and bus, not by car. They frequent the bargain stores and the street vendors ringing the church. Poor devotees find reassurance in this setting. The symbolism of skin color as an indication of a humble status seems to be common to the Philippines, Mesoamerica, and even rural Europe. The Black Nazarene of Quiapo comes from a long line of representations, both within and without the Catholic Church, that conceptualize the divine as black.

While this representation continues to be regarded as miraculous, as the source of innumerable blessings, its blackness is read as unnatural rather than natural, as the result of an accidental fire. Hence this representation must be special to Him.

The connection with fire needs to be explored. On another level, it may refer to the intense heat generated by multitudes of bodies competing with each other during the annual procession. History of Quiapo one page outline. Box 6. Archdiocesan Archives of Manila.

Alcina, Francisco Ignacio S. Original Spanish text. Translation, editing and annotation by Cantius J. Kobak, O. Virgenes de Madrid. Les Vierges noires. Retrieved October 21, Bonilla, Celia. Devotion to the Black Nazarene as an esthetic experience. In Quiapo: heart of Manila. Edited by Fernando N. Brillantes, Gregorio. Black Christ among the neon lights. In Filipino heritage: The making of a nation, edited by Alfredo Roces. Manila: Lahing Pilipino Publishing Company.

Carrillo, Charles. Our Lord of Esquipulas in New Mexico. Tradicion Revista, vol. Retrieved May 25, Chirino, Pedro, S. Manila: Historical Conservation Society. Cunnean, Sally. In search of Mary: The woman and the symbol. New York: Ballantine Books. De Miguel, Paloma. Virgenes negras.

Esfinge no. Manila: Colegio de Sto. Durkheim, Emile. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Ellis, George. Arts and peoples of the Northern Philippines. In The people and art of the Philippines. Esparza, Marcia.

El Cristo negro de Esquipulas.

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